Abstract: Historically, higher education among women had been associated with low fertility. Many studies identified a strong negative education gradient in fertility across countries and over time. Three factors make this relationship of key importance for the future of fertility. First, higher education has expanded rapidly and obtaining a university degree has become a common aspiration for younger generations. Second, there has been a gender cross-over in higher education: women in higher-income countries now outperform men in the share of university graduates. Third, higher education among women goes hand in hand with an almost universal aspiration to have a job and pursue a career, factors which may or may not be seen as obstacles to realising their reproductive plans.Some recent research suggest that the negative education in fertility has been shifting and flattening out, with women with a postgraduate education reaching higher fertility than women with a college degree in the United States and a couple of European countries (e.g., Hazan and Zoabi 2015, Doepke et al. 2022 for the United States, Jalovaara et al. 2019 for the Nordic countries). This study aims to provide systematic evidence on the changing education-fertility links among women in higher-income countries with low fertility. I first look at fertility preferences and then analyse changing education-fertility gradients and their parity components from period and cohort perspectives. I also look at the changes in first birth timing and the potential negative impact of delayed parenthood, especially for higher educated women. Finally, I examine the role of partnerships and the education-fertility gradients among men.My analysis suggests that most countries retain negative education-fertility gradient, characterised by higher childlessness among women with a degree and a higher share of lower-educated women with a large family (three or more children). Major exceptions from this pattern include the Nordic countries, Belgium and France, where fertility rates across education groups broadly converged to moderately low levels and South Korea, which exemplifies a convergence towards very low fertility across all education groups. In conclusion, I discuss selected institutional and structural factors behind these cross-country differences and sketch out future research agenda.